Yerepouni Daily News
No Result
View All Result
  • Հայերէն Լուրեր
  • Յօդուածներ
  • Հարցազրոյցներ
  • Մարզական
  • Այլազան
    • Զանազանք
    • Մշակութային
    • Գաղութահայ Կեանք
  • Արեւելահայերէն Լուրեր
  • English
    • World News
      • Africa
      • America
      • Asia
      • Australia
      • Europe
      • Middle East
    • Markets & Economy
    • International Press
    • Health
    • Social
    • Sports
    • Art & Entertainment
    • Science & Technology
  • أخبار باللغة العربية
  • Հայերէն Լուրեր
  • Յօդուածներ
  • Հարցազրոյցներ
  • Մարզական
  • Այլազան
    • Զանազանք
    • Մշակութային
    • Գաղութահայ Կեանք
  • Արեւելահայերէն Լուրեր
  • English
    • World News
      • Africa
      • America
      • Asia
      • Australia
      • Europe
      • Middle East
    • Markets & Economy
    • International Press
    • Health
    • Social
    • Sports
    • Art & Entertainment
    • Science & Technology
  • أخبار باللغة العربية
No Result
View All Result
Yerepouni Daily News
No Result
View All Result

The Pearl of the Indian Ocean

February 18, 2021
in International Press
0
The Pearl of the Indian Ocean

Thirty years after the capture of Mogadishu by opposition forces, Mohamed Duale and Jabril Abdullahi reflect on it now, as a tale of four cities. 

By Mohamed Duale and Jabril Abdullahi
Africa is a Country

Jan. 26, 2021, marked 30 years since the capture of Mogadishu by opposition forces and their overthrow of the pre-war government at the dawn of Somalia’s civil war.

Decades of conflict have left innumerable visible and unseen scars on the city and its inhabitants. An ancient African city once known as the “Pearl of the Indian Ocean,” Mogadishu was previously a prosperous part of the many sultanates that burgeoned along the coast of East Africa. Also known as Xamar, for a millennium, the city’s openness, ordinary cosmopolitanism, and lure of opportunities have attracted people from the Somali hinterland and beyond.

Migrants from across the Middle East, particularly southern Yemen, and South Asia added to the cultural richness and unique allure of Mogadishu that distinguished it from other East African cities. Some of those migrants brought with them architectural gifts in the shape of cylindrical minarets that resemble those one may see in Persian cities complimented by the local, white coral stone buildings that dominate the coast of East Africa.

At their height between the 13th and 16th centuries, Arab and Portuguese chroniclers described the cities of the Benadir Coast, particularly Mogadishu, as affluent and powerful centers of trade. In modern times, Mogadishu was occupied by the Italians who colonized southern Somalia during the “scramble for Africa” in the late 19th century.

During the golden age of Somali music in the 1970s and 1980s, Mogadishu was renowned as the region’s pre-eminent cultural hub given its roaring nightlife and thriving arts scene. Among many others, this milieu gave rise to the enchanting melodies of the Waaberi and Dur-Dur bands, which were carried to airwaves and audiences near and far. Packed nightly concerts would symbolically unite leisure-seeking Somalis from all walks of life at the iconic Al-Uruba Hotel and other reputed establishments in the old city of Xamar Weyne.

Those histories live not only in the collective memory of Mogadishu’s people but also are edged into the architecture of those bygone eras, especially in the old quarters of Xamar Weyne and Shangani. Pre-war Mogadishu was a diverse city characterized by a confident openness to the world.

Two decades of civil war and ongoing insecurity reduced large swathes of the city to rubble and made Mogadishu synonymous with anarchy. However, the delicate stability of the past decade and progress in reconstruction have made life in the city more accommodating for its inhabitants and more attractive to others, including those who once called it home.

A Tale of Four Cities

Mogadishu, as many of its residents will tell you, is a city of contrasts marked by deepening spatialized inequality as seen by the emergence of four socio-economic sub-cities.

There is City 1 in Xalane, the secure “green zone” near the airport where the diplomatic, peacekeeping, and humanitarian missions are headquartered. This is a city unto itself, where only a select few may visit or live for security reasons.

City 2 is the “Xamar Cadey” (Xamar the Beautiful) of gleaming new hotels, and comfortable condos and villas next to an increasing array of shopping malls and souks. This is the breezy city of world class beaches and excellent restaurants serving Italian dishes given a Somali rendition.

Then there is City 3, the numerous neighborhoods with difficult living conditions and where the working and lower classes of Mogadishu reside.

And further still, there is City 4, the sprawling internally displaced persons (IDP) camps on the outskirts of town where nearly one million IDPs, mostly from the riverine regions of southern Somalia, live.

Connecting these four cities within Xamar is a network of roads, sometimes surrounded by blast-proof concrete walls and often plagued by heavy traffic, security closures and violent attacks.

Anxieties in Emerging Post-Conflict City

Though many often use the term “post-conflict” to refer to the current juncture, the actual socio-political situation in Mogadishu is one of an emerging post-conflict context.

For one thing, residents continue to live with insecurity as a result of local, regional, and global contestations over the fate of the city and the country. Sometimes, this creates considerable anxiety not only about one’s personal safety given regular incidence of violence, but also about the ambiguities of a shifting political situation.

As a result of clan-based internal regionalization, an incipient question has been whether Mogadishu should be part of a regional state. Other salient questions relate to issues of class and culture. As thousands of diaspora Somalis have returned to the city in recent years, those who have stayed during the civil war have begun to resent their political and economic domination and third culture.

The sizeable urban poor also feel left out of the prosperity of City 2, not least by the rising cost of living, and sometimes wonder: whose Mogadishu is it anyway?

Moreover, the frantic rebuilding of the last decade has hurt the city’s fragile architectural inheritance, with the demolition of historically significant structures in the old quarters and the construction of a mishmash of taller buildings and shopping centers in their place—a trend that has concerned many.

If Somalis want to sustain momentum in national reconstruction, economic development will need to be balanced with careful efforts to build a socially just and durable peace, which includes the upkeep of tangible links to Somalia’s long history.

Resurfacing Openness

Throughout the civil war of the 1990s, Mogadishu was divided by a “green line,” which separated the south and north of the city. It was the scene of fratricidal clan-based violence that killed and displaced untold thousands and destroyed much of the city’s infrastructure and distinctive openness.

In the late 2000s, most of Xamar’s inhabitants fled a brutal Ethiopian occupation that indiscriminately bombarded the city. Since then, Mogadishu has risen from the proverbial ashes of destruction from decades of war.

Within the city, you will find people from every region of the Somali territories of the Horn of Africa as well as from the large Somali diaspora. You can hear young people in cafés speaking different accents and dialects of Somali as well as English, Swedish, Dutch, French, Arabic, and many other languages.

In addition, many Somali refugees living in neighboring countries have recently resettled in Mogadishu. As in the past, the city is receiving a small but growing number of refugees from the Middle East — Syria and Yemen, for example — and migrants from parts of South Asia (Bangladesh) and East Africa (Kenya).

Today, Xamar is slowly re-emerging as an important commercial center, as well as a meeting place of people, cultures, and ideas in the wider region. Nevertheless, this resurfacing openness is not, as mentioned, without challenges, ambiguities, and anxieties. As an emerging post-conflict city, Mogadishu will need continued dialogue, openness, and hospitality if it is to once more be the “Pearl of the Indian Ocean.”

Mohamed Duale is a PhD Candidate in the Faculty of Education at York University in Toronto.

Jabril Abdullahi is an Urban Planner based in Mogadishu and currently works on issues related to displacement and social housing.

This article is from Africa is a Country and is republished under a creative commons license.

The views expressed are solely those of the authors and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.

Consortium News

Previous Post

Ben Norton reports on the State Department’s ire at “foreign agent” legislation that made a U.S.-funded, right-wing foundation decide to close. By Ben Norton The Grayzone Since Nicaragua’s socialist Sandinista Front returned to power through democratic elections in 2006, the United States government has poured many millions of dollars into right-wing opposition groups in the Central American country. These U.S.-funded NGOs have aimed to destabilize the government of Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, and played a central role in a brutally violent coup attempt in 2018. Nicaragua’s National Assembly responded to the Washington-sponsored violence and destabilization efforts by passing a law in October 2020 that requires organizations funded by outside governments to register as foreign agents. The legislation is very similar to a law passed by the United States in 1938 known as the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). In recent years, Washington has exploited FARA to force Russian and Chinese media outlets and journalists working in the United States to register as foreign agents — in a bipartisan, Cold War-style political escalation against both countries. Though Washington has had this legislation on the books for more than eight decades, and still utilizes it regularly, the Joe Biden administration has lashed out at Nicaragua for its decision to pass a similar law. On Feb. 8, U.S. State Department Spokesperson Ned Price, a former CIA agent, published a statement condemning the elected Sandinista government. Price claimed that President “Ortega is driving Nicaragua toward dictatorship,” because the new foreign agent law led to the voluntary suspension of operations of a major U.S. government-funded opposition organization in the country. Price demonized Nicaragua’s democratically elected government as a “regime,” while stressing that the U.S. government is “focused on empowering civil society.” Price’s statement condemning Nicaragua came one day after the U.S.-backed right-wing president of Haiti, Jovenel Moïse, effectively declared himself a dictator, ruling without a Senate or Chamber of Deputies, hand-picking mayors, shooting journalists, and killing protesters. Fixating on Nicaragua, the CIA staffer-turned-State Department spokesperson concluded his declaration with a thinly veiled threat: “We urge President Ortega to change course now.” Despite the Biden administration’s hyperbolic rhetoric, it was not Ortega that passed the law; rather, it was the elected deputies of Nicaragua’s National Assembly that did so. If the U.S. Congress approved a law, it would be very strange for a foreign government to blame the U.S. president for the legislation. But Washington reduces all of Nicaragua’s government, including its 92 assembly members and other state officials, to just one man, grossly simplifying the country’s politics. The author of the State Department declaration, Ned Price, worked at the CIA for more than a decade, although he retired early in 2017 in protest of Donald Trump’s presidency. CIA History in Nicaragua The CIA has a long history of supporting right-wing opposition groups in Nicaragua. During the 1980s, the CIA armed and trained far-right death squads, known as the Contras, who waged a terrorist war on the revolutionary Sandinista government, massacring civilians, torturing officials, bombing infrastructure, mining ports, and burning down hospitals, schools, and farms. Today, funding for anti-Sandinista NGOs comes largely through the U.S. government’s regime-change arms the U.S. Agency for International Development (U.S.AID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The latter is a CIA cut-out created by the Ronald Reagan administration at the same time when it was waging this Contra terror campaign, in order to finance similar destabilization schemes in the guise of democracy promotion. USAID & Rightwing Opposition The real source of the Biden administration’s anger over Nicaragua’s foreign agent law was the announcement that a right-wing opposition group funded with millions of U.S. government tax dollars had decided to shut down. On Feb. 5, the anti-Sandinista activist organization the Violeta Barrios de Chamorro Foundation announced that it is voluntarily suspending operations in protest of the foreign agent law. The U.S. State Department press release falsely accused the Nicaraguan government of closing the Chamorro Foundation. In reality, the Sandinista government was not shuttering or expelling the foundation or any other organization; rather, they voluntarily decided to cease activities to avoid compliance with the new legislation. The Chamorro Foundation was founded by and is named after Nicaragua’s neoliberal former President Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, who came to power in 1990 thanks to a U.S.-backed terror war and blockade of the country, along with funding from Washington’s National Endowment for Democracy (NED). In 1991, the NED personally rewarded President Barrios de Chamorro for her loyalty to Washington, giving her a high-profile award. The Chamorro clan is one of the wealthiest and most powerful oligarch families in Nicaragua. Many right-wing opposition leaders in the Central American nation are Chamorros, and they enjoy a close relationship with the U.S. government. This oligarch family’s foundation is bankrolled by Washington’s soft-power arm, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). While the minimum wage in Nicaragua is just over $200 per month, USAID has poured millions of dollars into the Chamorro Foundation, allotting the following sums: • $1.7 million in 2020 • $1.7 million in 2019 • $1.2 million in 2018 • $1.6 million in 2014 The Violeta Barrios de Chamorro Foundation has also been used to run USAID’s Media Strengthening Program (MSP), funding and training right-wing media activists on behalf of Washington. According to a review of USAID’s publicly available data, the agency has spent the following sums of money just on opposition media outlets in Nicaragua since 2011: • $1,697,400 in 2020 • $1,729,645 in 2019 • $889,355 in 2018 • $400,000 in 2017 • $1,600,000 in 2014 • $550,000 in 2013 • $413,163 in 2012 (1) • $286,387 in 2012 (2) • $541,000 in 2011 And this does not include many millions of dollars more that were rewarded to redacted grantees, whose information is not revealed on the USAID website. One of the recipients of U.S. government funding through the Chamorro Foundation was Nicaragua’s far-right opposition media outlet 100% Noticias. This channel actively encouraged violence during the 2018 coup attempt, promoting extremists who used mortar cannons to kill and injure Sandinista activists and state security forces. Washington-funded 100% Noticias director Miguel Mora has openly requested that the U.S. military invade his country and overthrow President Daniel Ortega, citing the war on Panama in 1989. Mora also hosted extremists who called on Nicaraguans to organize a violent mob to invade the presidential compound and lynch the elected leader. The Violeta Barrios de Chamorro Foundation is directed by Cristiana Chamorro, a wealthy right-wing operative who will likely be the opposition’s presidential candidate in the November 2021 election. Cristiana Chamorro has also helped to run the leading conservative newspaper, La Prensa. In effect, this means that USAID has been bankrolling the Nicaraguan right-wing’s presidential candidate and the country’s top media outlet with millions of dollars over many years. USAID allotted more than $122 million overall on operations in Nicaragua in the five years from 2016 through 2020. The majority of that money went to “leadership, management, governance,” the “Municipal Governance Program,” and the “Democratic Leadership Development Program” – in other words, funding and cultivating right-wing opposition leaders. While USAID claims that its projects are “humanitarian,” its own publicly available data shows that the vast majority of its spending in Nicaragua goes to funding “government and civil society” and operating expenses for its staff, while less than 1 percent of its money goes to supporting public health and agriculture. The Grayzone has exposed USAID’s role in overseeing a regime-change operation called Responsive Assistance in Nicaragua (RAIN), which explicitly aims to overthrow the socialist government, impose neoliberal reforms that lead to a “transition to a rules-based market economy” based on the “protection of private property rights,” and purge state institutions of Sandinistas. Ben Norton is a journalist and writer. He is a reporter for The Grayzone, and the producer of the “Moderate Rebels” podcast, which he co-hosts with Max Blumenthal. His website is BenNorton.com, and he tweets at @BenjaminNorton. This article is from The Grayzone. The views expressed are solely those of the author and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News. Consortium News

Next Post

Taxes on the Rich: One-Sixth of What They Used to Be

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

  • About Us
  • Contact Us

© 2021 Yerepouni News - Website by Alienative.net.

No Result
View All Result
  • Հայերէն Լուրեր
  • Յօդուածներ
  • Հարցազրոյցներ
  • Մարզական
  • Այլազան
    • Զանազանք
    • Մշակութային
    • Գաղութահայ Կեանք
  • Արեւելահայերէն Լուրեր
  • English
    • World News
      • Africa
      • America
      • Asia
      • Australia
      • Europe
      • Middle East
    • Markets & Economy
    • International Press
    • Health
    • Social
    • Sports
    • Art & Entertainment
    • Science & Technology
  • أخبار باللغة العربية

© 2021 Yerepouni News - Website by Alienative.net.