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US in denial of a hypersonic gap with China, Russia

August 23, 2022
in International Press
0
US in denial of a hypersonic gap with China, Russia

DOD official rejects notion US is falling behind in hypersonics while saying Pentagon views the weapons differently than its rivals

By GABRIEL HONRADA

As China and Russia make new advances in hypersonic weapons technology, the US is increasingly focused on developing counter-hypersonic technologies to address the emerging threat.

In a US Department of Defense (DOD) press interview last week, US Deputy Secretary Kathleen Hicks rejected the notion that the US is falling behind in the development and fielding of hypersonic weapons.

She also stated that looking at emerging hypersonic weapons technologies from China, Russia and the US as an arms race can be misleading.

Hicks noted that the US has several concepts on how to defend against and when to use hypersonic weapons, emphasizing that the US focuses on developing the capabilities it needs for warfare rather than a tit-for-tat technology match against its near-peer adversaries.

Hicks also stressed that the US has a different perspective on hypersonics than China and Russia. She noted that Russia has used hypersonic weapons with no noticeable effect on the course of the Ukraine war, hinting at the possibly overhyped implications of such weapons on future conflicts.

Hicks also stated that the US is deeply invested in developing counter-hypersonics, emphasizing the need for countermeasures against adversaries who could deploy hypersonic capabilities.

Apart from developing counter-hypersonic technologies, Hicks mentioned that the US has made promising progress in several hypersonic programs and is now formulating its employment strategy.

Asia Times has reported previously on US efforts to build counter-hypersonic capabilities, including hypersonic tracking satellites, hypersonic missile interceptors and space-based defenses.

However, despite these substantial investments, the US Naval Institute (USNI) points out that the Pentagon, for its 2023 budget, requested US$4.7 billion for hypersonic weapons research, compared to just $225.5 million for hypersonic defense.

Despite this lopsided spending between offensive hypersonic weapons and defensive hypersonic measures, multiple US sources corroborate Hicks’ views on hypersonics, challenging the wisdom behind the US’ current direction in developing such weapons.

In a 2022 Defense News article, Stephen Losey notes that a growing cohort of US experts is pushing for additional resources to build extra sensors, satellites and other technologies to defend against hypersonic weapons.

Losey cites US Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall asking pointed questions about the role hypersonic weapons should play in the US arsenal and whether these weapons are worth their hefty price tag. Kendall notes that hypersonics may be one way to penetrate air defense networks, but they are not the only way.

Cost concerns are a significant issue. For example, in a 2022 Sandboxx article, Alex Hollings notes that the hypersonic weapons the US Air Force (USAF) has in development cost $106 million each while those of the US Navy (USN) run at $89.6 million per unit. He notes the cheapest US hypersonic weapon costs $40 million per round.

He goes on to compare these costs to that of a USAF F-35A fighter at $78 million – showing that one expendable hypersonic weapon comes close to or exceeds the costs of one of the US’ most capable combat aircraft. Hollings points out that the high costs of hypersonics make it difficult, if not impossible, to amass a substantial stockpile of the weapons.

Hollings also notes that cheaper missiles can accomplish many things hypersonics can at a lower cost. For example, he mentions that the US can get 50 Tomahawk subsonic cruise missiles for the price of one hypersonic and that existing air defenses could not even guarantee complete protection against much slower and older cruise and ballistic missiles.

Although he says that today’s technology cannot intercept hypersonics flying at Mach 5 or even faster, he points out that large volumes of low-cost weapons can accomplish what one high-end hypersonic can in many scenarios, with low-cost weapons readily available at present.

Hollings also points out that hypersonics are not necessarily “faster” than conventional ballistic missiles, which fly in a ballistic arc towards their targets and reach hypersonic speeds in their terminal phase.

Today’s missile defenses rely on calculating a point of intercept from a ballistic missile’s arc, assuming defenders can quickly make such calculations and interceptions.

However, hypersonic weapons negate that predictability by using maneuverable glide vehicles that can pursue an unpredictable flight path toward their targets. Asia Times has previously reported that ballistic missiles could be fired at highly-lofted trajectories, negating missile defenses through sheer speed in the same way much costlier hypersonics do.

An artist’s depiction of L3Harris’ tracking layer satellite, which will be part of a solution designed by the Space Development Agency and the Missile Defense Agency to track and target hypersonic weapons from space. Image: L3Harris

Also, hypersonics may marginally impact the existing calculus of nuclear deterrence between the world’s major nuclear powers.

Hollings notes that if US missile defenses could not stop a full-scale nuclear attack involving hundreds of conventional ballistic missiles, there would be little sense for an attacker to mount nuclear warheads on more costly hypersonic missiles, which would make no difference in the outcome.

He also mentions that this logic would be the same if the US were to unleash a full-scale nuclear attack on its adversaries, saying that this may be why the US is not eager to match China and Russia’s hypersonic arsenals.

In addition to these cost constraints, the US might have a different doctrine for hypersonic weapons compared to China and Russia, which aim to use them as a strategic deterrent.

In a separate 2022 article in Air Force Magazine, Kendall mentions that the US does not have the same targets for its hypersonics as China and emphasizes that the US needs to think of cost-effective weapons to engage those targets.

Moreover, in Defense News, Kendall notes that current hypersonic technology is suited for hitting fixed targets. Still, the US requires capabilities against moving targets, such as warships in the South China Sea or armored fighting vehicle formations in Ukraine.

Asia Times has previously noted that the US may still be figuring out where these new weapons fit into its overall military doctrine. While the US may envision a conventional tactical role for its hypersonics, China and Russia see them as part of their strategic nuclear deterrents.

Asia Times

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Ex-Malaysian premier’s final appeal of his corruption conviction is rejected, making him the Kajang Prison Complex’s newest inmate By NILE BOWIE SINGAPORE – In a historic unanimous ruling, Malaysia’s Federal Court on Tuesday (August 23) upheld former prime minister Najib Razak’s guilty conviction and a 12-year jail sentence on charges related to a multi-billion dollar corruption scandal at state fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), sealing the 69-year-old’s fate as the Kajang Prison Complex’s newest inmate. Najib, who simultaneously served as prime minister and finance minister from 2009-18, was found guilty in July 2020 of criminal breach of trust, abuse of power and money laundering for illegally receiving US$10 million from SRC International, a former unit of 1MDB. An appellate court last year upheld the guilty verdict along with a $46.7 million fine, prompting him to appeal again to the nation’s highest court. “This is a very historic moment for Malaysia,” said James Chin, director of the Asia Institute at the University of Tasmania. “It is the first time in Malaysian history that a former prime minister has been jailed for corruption. There was a lot of suspicion that the judiciary would be influenced by the political class in this case, but the result is an affirmation of the leadership of the judiciary.” Rejecting his request for a stay of sentence, a five-person bench led by Chief Justice Tengku Maimun Tuan Mat dismissed the ex-premier’s final appeal after Najib’s legal team, which was replaced just three weeks before his appeal began on August 15, declined to present their case in court, citing insufficient time to prepare their arguments due to the purported complexity of the case. Widely seen as a delaying tactic, Najib claimed he opted to change lawyers to gain a “fresh perspective” on his case and accordingly had sought repeated adjournments of the hearing, which the court rejected. The presiding chief justice remarked that Najib’s legal team was given every opportunity to lodge oral submissions to the court but they refused to do so. In a statement read from the docks before the Federal Court delivered a verdict, Najib claimed that the country’s judicial system had failed him. “As an accused and appellant at the final stage of a case, it is the worst feeling to have, to realize that the might of the judicial machinery is pinned against me in the most unfair manner,” said the former premier, who pleaded not guilty to all charges. Former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak talks to media at Kuala Lumpur’s High Court after a hearing in the 1MDB financial fraud case on October 25, 2018. Photo: AFP via Andalou Agency / Adli Ghazali During the five-day hearing, Najib’s lead counsel Hisyam Teh Poh Teik had also unsuccessfully tried to adduce fresh evidence in the case, adjourn the main hearing for three to four months and discharge himself from representing Najib on grounds of being inadequately prepared, all of which were unanimously rejected by the apex court. Defense lawyers sought to admit evidence they said would prove Mohd Nazlan Mohd Ghazali, the trial judge who initially convicted Najib, had a conflict of interest owing to his previous stint as the general counsel of Maybank Group, a commercial lender to 1MDB that had played an advisory role in the establishment of SRC International, and was thus at risk of bias. In a last-gasp maneuver, Najib’s counsel sought to recuse the chief justice herself from hearing the trial, citing a Facebook post dated May 11, 2018, allegedly made by Tengku Maimun’s husband, Zamani Ibrahim, in which he purportedly expressed happiness at Najib’s being “dethroned” when the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition lost the 2018 general election amid public outrage over 1MDB. “Zamani Ibrahim has expressed his views that clearly show his distaste and disgust towards me and that I am directly responsible for the 1MDB and SRC debacles… While I note the sentiments were raised by a spouse, it is not unreasonable to think that such sentiments are shared within the household, in a spousal relationship,” Najib claimed in an affidavit to support the recusal bid. Deputy public prosecutor V Sithambaram described the recusal application as “the clearest abuse” of the court process and questioned why Najib’s lawyers had only filed the recusal application over the four-year-old social media post late Monday night. The top judge threw out the bid, ruling that there was no nexus between her husband’s post and that of the former premier’s appeal. Four years on from his initial arrest in relation to dealings at SRC International, the Federal Court’s landmark ruling makes Najib the only person ever convicted in connection with the 1MDB scandal in Malaysia. Prosecutors have said an estimated $4.5 billion was pilfered from the state fund, with more than $1 billion purportedly traced to the former premier’s personal bank accounts. Fugitive Malaysian financier Low Taek Jho, or Jho Low, had been among the most prominent recipients of the siphoned public funds. Though Low had never held a formal position at 1MDB and had never been employed by the Malaysian government, he is widely thought to have acted as a proxy for the ex-premier for whom 1MDB functioned as a political slush fund. For Low, the state fund served as an expense account for bottomless spending on luxury property, extravagant parties, movie production investments and other purchases that earned the sprawling multi-billion dollar scandal global repute. Malaysian authorities have been unable to serve charges to Low, who remains at large and is regarded as the country’s most wanted man. Prior to Najib’s conviction and jailing, many had voiced frustration with the slow pace of justice in prosecuting 1MDB-related crimes amid delays due to the Covid-19 pandemic and what many regarded as a deliberate strategy of stalling legal proceedings by the former premier’s defense team, in turn delaying several other corruption-related trials the 69-year-old is still due to face. Since becoming the first Malaysian premier to lose an election in 2018, Najib had mounted a political comeback that energized grassroots followers who believed him to be the victim of a political conspiracy. He emerged as a star campaigner for the resurgent BN coalition, which clinched a string of recent state election victories, emboldening the premier’s political relevance. Having lost his final appeal, Najib still has one option left to overturn the verdict within the court system. His defense counsel can file a review at the Federal Court, seeking a panel of judges to review the judgment, a move that lawyer Hisyam has said the legal team is still considering. The former premier cannot, however, forgo his jail term pending the disposal of the review. Defeated and dejected, Najib reportedly remained in the dock following his sentencing, conferring with his family members before being transported in a police convoy to Kajang Prison Complex on the outskirts of Kuala Lumpur. Najib’s second 1MDB-related corruption trial, involving $681 million traced to his personal bank account, is meanwhile set to resume on August 25. The ex-premier’s sentence could still be commuted if he receives a full royal pardon from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Malaysia’s constitutional monarch. Najib’s historic conviction means he has lost his parliamentary seat and is disqualified from standing for elections for five years after release. Should he receive a pardon, however, Najib will not only be free but can also stand for re-election. Follow Nile Bowie on Twitter at @NileBowie Asia Times

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